Gabriel Dumont (Métis leader) - Wikipedia
This factual story is about the Metis and two of their leaders: Louis Riel and Gabriel Dumont. Riel and Dumont were two different kinds of men. They were an odd. Is there anything left to be said about Louis Riel? . The Company had given it to Louis Riel pere in spring in connection with his proposal to build a flour mill. .. Lord said to me: I have tested you and you have remained faithful. On June 4, , James Isbister, Gabriel Dumont, Moise Ouellette. Dumont and his council sent several to approach Louis Riel.
Lavallee had wanted to buy it as early asbut Julie had not felt free to sell. To have given the land to his brother-in-law would have been in keeping with his character.
While he waited in St. Joseph, Riel also made other attempts to raise money. He kept trying to sell St. Boniface[ 56 ] and he made enquiries about his acred allotment, but neither of these initiatives led to anything. There was no buyer for St. It must have been far short of his expectations. He could not pay his debt to Barnabe, in spite of his many promises to do so, [ 58 ] nor could he buy a farm in Nebraska.
It was a farfetched venture that failed to command support from the Indians in Montana. Then came more good news. On April 13,St. It was the height of the land boom, and buyers were putting down cash for lots in the hope of turning them over quickly. The files contain no record of delays, so money from these two sales, minus payment of his debts in Manitoba and whatever went to other family members, must have gone to Louis more or less promptly.
The impact on his life was unmistakable. Shortly after the first sale, Riel mentioned marriage in one of his poems: He tried to stamp out the whiskey trade, going so far as to launch a prosecution of Simon Pepin, an employee of the powerful C. The proceeds from St. Boniface and St. Vital 16 may have made possible this expenditure of time and effort. There may also have been other sales or attempted sales in this period.
Aikins, a future Lieutenant Governor of Manitoba. The issue of a Manitoba Act patent to Aikins shows that the government recognized staked claims in this area, because Manitoba Act patents had to be based on possession prior to July 15, ; but when and if Riel sold, whether he sold to Aikins directly or through an intermediary, and for how much, are unknown. It was noted in the Dominion Lands Survey as late asbut I have found no further information.
Anne des Chenes, so Riel could not have sold it, but this does not preclude his having received compensation in another form. It was not uncommon for the government to settle staked claims by granting the claimant equivalent land elsewhere, or at least the right to purchase Dominion Lands on concessionary terms. Recipients could sell these awards for cash to speculators if they chose.
But we do not know whether Riel received any such benefit from this claim. Riel regarded Mother Catherine-Aurelie, the founder of the community, as a special patron, and credited her prayers with having healed his sister Eulalie. Vital, originally granted by Lord Selkirk]; it is seven or eight miles from Winnipeg, no more than a mile from the railroad, near the Seine River. Riel added that William Gladu, the husband of his sister Eulalie, would probably agree to pay the property taxes for the nuns.
Gabriel Dumont (Métis leader)
Vital is about seven or eight miles from Winnipeg; it is near the Seine; and the Pembina Branch, which runs just east of St. Vital, was completed in December Vital inas far as we know. He had transferred his part of St. Vital 51 to Louis Lavallee, and he had sold St. Vital 51, or of St. Vital 50, which she also owned; [ 76 ] but the files on these lots show no evidence in favour of such an hypothesis.
This was definitely not a phantom gift, however. Inthe nuns wrote to Joseph Riel, telling to go ahead and sell the land, since he had found a buyer. They did not see any legal problems, because the title had never been officially transferred to their name. Although they were certain that Louis had meant the land to come to them, they would not press their claim now. The powers of attorney gave Riel the right to apply for the land or scrip and sell it if he could, a common procedure at the time.
He wrote in disappointment to his wife: The Chippewa Treaty signed at La Pointe, Wisconsin, on September 30,set the precedent by providing grants of 80 acres to each mixed-blood head of family or single person over 21 years of age. Nonetheless, agents bought their putative rights to scrip and then tried to obtain grants from the United States government. While Joseph was unable to do anything for him in the depressed Manitoba land market.
Vital 51 that he had received from Riel. Originally a native of St. He must have had grounds for optimism in the spring of Around Easter he received an exciting revelation: I have tested you and you have remained faithful. You must march ahead. You asked Me for it, and it is My will: Louis had Marguerite execute a power of attorney on April 28,even before the proper forms had arrived from Manitoba.
In any case, this hastily procured power of attorney proved unsatisfactory. On January 30,Joseph wrote to Louis: After he surrendered and was imprisoned in Regina, Louis wrote to Joseph: The Canadian government owes me 1st acres of land, according to the 31 clause of the Manitoba Treaty; 2nd They owe me 5 other lots of great value, situated on Rivers.
These five lots were mine according to the different paragraphs of the same 31 clause [sic; Riel means s. It is the canadian government that have deprive me, direct[l]y or indirect[l]y of those properties There is in Montana a certain number of Halfbreeds who were residents of Manitoba, at the time of Transfer. I found out last year that they have also been deprived of their share of the fourteen hundred thousand acres of land, ascribed to extinguish the indian title to the lands of the Province.
How could he have asserted a claim to the four river lots he had already sold or given away? He was perhaps thinking of his claims near Lorette and Salle River 99, but we have no idea what the other three lots might have been. His reference to a acre allotment is more obvious. As we know, he had failed to apply in absentia in and had been told in that the St. Vital reserves were exhausted. The order in council awarding scrip for late applicants set a deadline of May 1,to apply.
In that month, W. An order in council of November 26,approved the claim and provided that it be satisfied not with scrip but with land. Some land was available in the form of allotments that had been cancelled when the recipients had been found ineligible. A cancelled allotment was found for Jean Riel east of Morris, and a patent was issued in Bannatyne emergence as a prophet in December failure to sell Ste.
Agathe return to the West in December difficulties in completing sale of Ste. Agathe ; desire to sell other lands abandonment of plans to marry Evelina Barnabe; removal to Montana in August inability to sell lands other than Ste. Agathe plans for an Indian invasion of western Canada in early difficulties in selling his remaining lands common-law marriage to Marguerite Monet in April sale of St.
Vital 16 involvement in Montana politics in sale of St. The causes of human action are infinite in complexity. Louis Riel will be no less of a hero or villain, statesman or traitor, prophet or madman, if we understand the financial aspects of his life. There was a struggle over a gun, and a shot was fired. The battle had begun. At that time, Dumont gave the following description of the Battle of Duck Lake: As soon as the shooting started, we fired as much as we could.
A shot came and gashed the top of my head. I fell down on the ground. While we were fighting, Riel was on horseback, exposed to the gunfire, and with no weapon but the crucifix which he held in his hand. The enemy was then beginning to retire, and my brother, who had taken command after my fall, shouted to our men to follow.
Riel then asked, in the name of God, not to kill any more, saying that there had already been too much bloodshed. Now they had to deal with the dead bodies. The number killed on the police side was twelve, and on the Metis side there were five. Dumont talked about the bodies: The next day, we spent the whole day in prayer for our dead whose bodies we laid out in a house. They were buried the next day. I told Riel that it was a shame to leave exposed to the dogs the bodies of our dead enemies who, perhaps bore no more ill will against us than we against them.
I suggested that we send a prisoner to [Fort] Carleton to tell the English to come and get their dead. But when the prisoner went to the police and talked to them, the police did not believe his story. They thought he was a spy and put him in jail. It took them three days to decide that, rather than being a spy, he was a man with an important message. Meanwhile, the Metis had two of their prisoners move the bodies into a house for safekeeping. Finally, the English sent three men with their wagons to get the dead bodies.
They got the bodies out of the house, placed them in their wagons, and took them home. The Canadian government had been cutting back on the food that they had been giving to the Indians.
In one hungry, poorly-treated tribe, a number of braves became angry. They went to the settlement of Frog Lake where they shot nine White people, including two priests. A total of White soldiers left Eastern Canada in the hopes of bringing peace back to the West. Meanwhile, troops in Western Canada prepared to join in.
The battles between the Metis and the White soldiers were going to be between two very different types of people. The Metis enjoyed the outdoors and were used to bad weather and other hardships of living outside in the wilderness.
Some of what they used was homemade, but other items such as guns and bullets were bought in stores. Many of them had spent their lives living in towns and cities where they had been working in offices and factories. When we compare the Metis men with the White soldiers, we can see a number of important differences. The Metis had done lots of hunting, and this helped them become excellent sharpshooters. Also, many of the older Metis had gained experience and skills while fighting against the Indians.
The volunteers from the cities had received only twelve days of training each year. The rural volunteers had received their training at summer camps which were only held every second year. Some of them had not received any shooting practice. Obviously, a modern army can be far more destructive; however, the weapons used by the Metis and White soldiers still resulted in a lot of human suffering. Most of the Metis used shot guns which had a short range, and a few owned old buffalo rifles.
A few others, including Dumont, had bought long range repeating rifles. For traveling, the Metis made use of the Red River cart, the wagon, and the canoe. In comparison, the machines of the White people were impressive. They could travel by train, carriage, wagon, stagecoach, or steamship.
Louis Riel | The Canadian Encyclopedia
To help them fight wars, the White people had created long range rifles, repeating rifles, field guns that used a large and powerful shell, and the Gatling gun which could fire ten bullets per second.
The leader of the Canadian army, Major-General Middleton, was a fifty-nine-year-old British commander who had graduated from a military college and spent most of his life in the British army.
Large crowds gathered and cheered the volunteer soldiers as they left their home towns in Nova Scotia, Quebec, Ontario, and Western Canada, and headed for the trouble spots in the North-West. They were going to fight a war for their country, for the British Empire, and for progress. The soldiers from Eastern Canada were about to face the hardships of an exhausting journey, and they would soon understand that war is destructive and brutally painful.
Their journey to the North-West was difficult because the railway had not yet been completed. In Northern Ontario, there were four large gaps in the track which the troops had to cross. Two of the gaps required long, tough marches in the cold.
In another gap, the soldiers made their way across twenty-four kilometers of barren ice. They struggled for six hours in the freezing cold and bright sun. For days, the soldiers were hungry, sleepless, wet, and cold. Sometimes it was raining, sometimes it snowed, and sometimes the temperature got as low as degrees Celsius.
During one ten hour ride, many of the troops experienced severe frostbite, and some became so cold that at the end of the ride they could not move. They had to be lifted off the train. Since it was freezing, many chose to sleep in the open where they could build fires to keep warm. Most lay with their feet toward the fire. I slept very little.Gabriel Dumont et les revendications des Métis
Some slept soundly only to be awakened when their feet inside of their boots became so hot the soles of their boots started to smoke. They would jump up more asleep than awake, tear open their laces and get the boots off. I proposed we go ahead of the troops, harass them by night to make them lose heart. But Riel did not agree. I would have done so without scruple, and I would even willingly have blown up the railway. I had confidence in his prayers, and that God would listen to him.
The Battle of Fish Creek: The Metis chose to face Middleton's troops at a place where the trail crossed Fish Creek. They hid themselves and their horses in the bushes of the Fish Creek coulee. When the soldiers attacked, the soldiers fought from the open at the top of the coulee where they were easy targets.
Many of them were killed. From there they were hidden and protected by thick willow bushes. These Metis feared an attack, so they remained hidden in the bushes and spent a lot of their time praying. When his arms grew tired, two Metis helped to hold them up. Most Metis would agree with the one who is recorded as saying, "I believe that prayer did more than bullets.
Now Middleton had fresh troops, but he saw that too many of his men had been killed and wounded. He refused to allow another attack. Altogether, ten soldiers died and forty-five were wounded; on Dumont's side, five died and one was wounded.
Also, fifty-five Metis and Indian horses had been killed. Soon it became bitterly cold, and the sleet turned to snow. The worn out troops lay in the cold listening to the groans of the wounded and dying.
The soldiers who had crossed the river suffered the most because they had come without their overcoats and blankets. One officer wrote, "None of us are ever likely to forget the dark night of the 24th.
We thought we had come out for a picnic. War's hardships are doubly cruel to the civilian soldier. His poorly trained soldiers had performed poorly. On that day, the camp was quiet, there was very little movement, and very little was done. Throughout the camp there was a sense of gloom. Middleton felt sorry for the young soldiers who had finally experienced the realities of war.
He wrote in his personal diary: Guide me, help me in war, that I may have the good fortune to conclude a peace, an honorable peace before God and Men. Middleton camped for two weeks before he felt that his army was ready to march towards another battle.
During this time, the Metis' provisional government held regular meetings. Their government decided that Riel's position was that of a prophet. A series of rifle pits were dug around the village.
Dumont sent messengers to ask all the Indians in the North-West to join the Metis. But, most of the Indians chose to stay home. They fought their own battles. Dumont had only two-hundred and seventy-five men to face eight-hundred and fifty soldiers. Middleton decided to attack Batoche from two sides at the same time. On 20 July, his trial began in Regina. Riel, however, could not afford his own defence, and so his counsel was paid for by friends in Quebecwho likely had different motives than Riel.
Riel addresses the jury during his trial in Regina, Saskatchewan, Image: The defence counsel, Charles Fitzpatrick, addressing the jury during the trial of Louis Riel, Previous Next With the foreman in tears, the jury pronounced Riel guilty. While the jury recommended clemency, none was forthcoming. Both appeals were dismissed, but public pressure, particularly from Quebec, delayed execution pending an examination of Riel's mental state.
The three examining physicians found Riel "excitable," but only one considered him insane. Owing to questionable excisions, the official version of the report did not reveal any difference of opinion and the federal Cabinet decided in favour of hanging. Some of the principal witnesses in the Louis Riel trial, August Courthouse during the trial of Louis Riel, Regina, Previous Next Riel was executed on a public gallows in Regina on 16 November His grave, as well as his home, remain well-visited historic sites to this day.
Legacy and Significance Politically and philosophically, Riel's execution has had a lasting effect on Canadian history. Riel's execution remains a contentious issue, and demands for his retroactive pardon have been made on a number of occasions. Louis Riel, founder of the province of Manitoba and leader of the Metis, is buried in St.
Boniface Cathedral Cemetery, Winnipeg, Manitoba. Previous Next Riel has a number of statues commemorating him in his home province. InManitoba recognized him with a public holiday held annually in February. The house remained in the Riel family until and was acquired by Parks Canada in Louis Riel never lived in the house, but visited briefly in the summer of Riel's body was displayed in the house for two days in Decemberafter his execution.